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If Recep Tayyip Erdoğan emerges victorious in Sunday’s run-off election in Turkey, he will attribute his victory in part to the powerful patronage network he has built up over two decades in power.
Out of his Justice and Development Party (AKP), formed in 2001, has emerged a vast system of influence, support and state benevolence, on which many of the country’s people depend for their livelihoods – and Erdoğan in the presidency without fear May be over.
“A significant segment of voters . “Those who are in precarious conditions think that their relationship with the state depends on good relations with the AKP. They are dependent on the AKP.”
Erdogan used his vast “grassroots” network to take a first-round lead on May 14 and went into Sunday’s run-off vote as the strong favorite against his opposition rival Kemal Kilikdaroglu.
Yet critics say the playing field has long been tilted in Erdogan’s favor, with the 69-year-old president deploying an array of state resources during the campaign, while government-affiliated media closely followed his and the AKP’s narrative. followed.
Erdogan’s government showered the country with pre-election handouts, including free gas, subsidized electricity, and 10GB of free internet for students. An increase in the minimum wage and civil servant pay in the lead up to the vote could also be in favor of the president.
These giveaways were designed to offset a bleak economic picture for the country of 85 million people. Rising prices, and the lira which fell to a new low on Friday, are eroding the purchasing power of ordinary voters.
The powerful networks he and his party have built extend to businesses. The manager of a Turkish industrial group based in an AKP stronghold said he would not work with companies linked to Erdoğan’s government because of contractual strings attached.
“They are not just thinking about the job, they are thinking about something different,” said the executive on condition of anonymity. He described a circular system where people paid for the privilege of working with a state-aligned company, and were expected to provide kickbacks in return.
Arda Can Kumbarakibaşı, a professor of politics at Bahçeşehir University who has studied the rise of the AKP, said “the government is only providing bids and opportunities to groups that are close to them”.
For many in Turkey, the achievements of the state cannot be separated from those of Erdoğan himself. Kemal, a 37-year-old barber in Istanbul, said: “Life has improved dramatically in the last 20 years, and that’s for Tayyip. Our country was a mess before he came. Now everyone enjoys a much better standard of living.” Is.”
He continued: “Transportation used to be a nightmare in this country, and now we have an airport in every province. Who did it? Tayyip did it. . . . If anyone can fix this economy, it’s Tayyip Are.”
Erdogan has consistently managed to retain support among his predominantly conservative and pious base because many see his fortunes tied to his, but also through the sheer size of the Islamist-rooted AKP, which has a number of political parties across the country. has offices in towns and cities.
The AKP, which along with its ultranationalist partner retained its majority in parliament in May 14 elections, has more than 11 million members, according to figures from Turkey’s Supreme Court. Kılıçdaroğlu’s Republican People’s Party, which leads the country’s six-party opposition coalition, could only raise 1.4 million.

Kumbarasibasi said, “The AKP successfully built electoral strongholds and grassroots organization of parties, which can be traced back to the 1970s.” “So patronage networks have certainly been helpful for the AKP in maintaining its supporter base.”
He added that “relatives of many AKP members also enjoyed high-ranking positions in the administration, non-governmental organizations, universities and municipalities”.
Harun Armagan, a member of the AKP’s Central Decision Board, described the suggestion that party members obtained monetary or other benefits by supporting the party as “opposition propaganda”.
But he agreed that the party’s vast outreach was a pillar of its success. “We are a grassroots movement. We have been very good at it and it makes us stronger.
Arman said this was because the AKP, a powerful election machine, which he described as Turkey’s largest non-governmental organization, used its large network to keep in constant contact with supporters and supporters of the party. “We always listen to the people. , , (They) vote for you because we do not forget them.
Koç University’s Sommer said that the patron-client relationship between Erdoğan and Turkish voters had only strengthened over the years, adding that the real and perceived benefits of supporting the AKP were government jobs, social assistance for the elderly and the poor, extends to disaster relief. and business permit.
Such a comprehensive bottom-up effort makes it clear why Erdoğan has a strong poll lead ahead of Sunday’s face-off with Kılıçdaroğlu.
“A significant segment of voters . He said Turkish voters “are being made to feel like they have no choice”.
Additional reporting by Ayla Jean Yakli in Istanbul
[ad_1]
If Recep Tayyip Erdoğan emerges victorious in Sunday’s run-off election in Turkey, he will attribute his victory in part to the powerful patronage network he has built up over two decades in power.
Out of his Justice and Development Party (AKP), formed in 2001, has emerged a vast system of influence, support and state benevolence, on which many of the country’s people depend for their livelihoods – and Erdoğan in the presidency without fear May be over.
“A significant segment of voters . “Those who are in precarious conditions think that their relationship with the state depends on good relations with the AKP. They are dependent on the AKP.”
Erdogan used his vast “grassroots” network to take a first-round lead on May 14 and went into Sunday’s run-off vote as the strong favorite against his opposition rival Kemal Kilikdaroglu.
Yet critics say the playing field has long been tilted in Erdogan’s favor, with the 69-year-old president deploying an array of state resources during the campaign, while government-affiliated media closely followed his and the AKP’s narrative. followed.
Erdogan’s government showered the country with pre-election handouts, including free gas, subsidized electricity, and 10GB of free internet for students. An increase in the minimum wage and civil servant pay in the lead up to the vote could also be in favor of the president.
These giveaways were designed to offset a bleak economic picture for the country of 85 million people. Rising prices, and the lira which fell to a new low on Friday, are eroding the purchasing power of ordinary voters.
The powerful networks he and his party have built extend to businesses. The manager of a Turkish industrial group based in an AKP stronghold said he would not work with companies linked to Erdoğan’s government because of contractual strings attached.
“They are not just thinking about the job, they are thinking about something different,” said the executive on condition of anonymity. He described a circular system where people paid for the privilege of working with a state-aligned company, and were expected to provide kickbacks in return.
Arda Can Kumbarakibaşı, a professor of politics at Bahçeşehir University who has studied the rise of the AKP, said “the government is only providing bids and opportunities to groups that are close to them”.
For many in Turkey, the achievements of the state cannot be separated from those of Erdoğan himself. Kemal, a 37-year-old barber in Istanbul, said: “Life has improved dramatically in the last 20 years, and that’s for Tayyip. Our country was a mess before he came. Now everyone enjoys a much better standard of living.” Is.”
He continued: “Transportation used to be a nightmare in this country, and now we have an airport in every province. Who did it? Tayyip did it. . . . If anyone can fix this economy, it’s Tayyip Are.”
Erdogan has consistently managed to retain support among his predominantly conservative and pious base because many see his fortunes tied to his, but also through the sheer size of the Islamist-rooted AKP, which has a number of political parties across the country. has offices in towns and cities.
The AKP, which along with its ultranationalist partner retained its majority in parliament in May 14 elections, has more than 11 million members, according to figures from Turkey’s Supreme Court. Kılıçdaroğlu’s Republican People’s Party, which leads the country’s six-party opposition coalition, could only raise 1.4 million.

Kumbarasibasi said, “The AKP successfully built electoral strongholds and grassroots organization of parties, which can be traced back to the 1970s.” “So patronage networks have certainly been helpful for the AKP in maintaining its supporter base.”
He added that “relatives of many AKP members also enjoyed high-ranking positions in the administration, non-governmental organizations, universities and municipalities”.
Harun Armagan, a member of the AKP’s Central Decision Board, described the suggestion that party members obtained monetary or other benefits by supporting the party as “opposition propaganda”.
But he agreed that the party’s vast outreach was a pillar of its success. “We are a grassroots movement. We have been very good at it and it makes us stronger.
Arman said this was because the AKP, a powerful election machine, which he described as Turkey’s largest non-governmental organization, used its large network to keep in constant contact with supporters and supporters of the party. “We always listen to the people. , , (They) vote for you because we do not forget them.
Koç University’s Sommer said that the patron-client relationship between Erdoğan and Turkish voters had only strengthened over the years, adding that the real and perceived benefits of supporting the AKP were government jobs, social assistance for the elderly and the poor, extends to disaster relief. and business permit.
Such a comprehensive bottom-up effort makes it clear why Erdoğan has a strong poll lead ahead of Sunday’s face-off with Kılıçdaroğlu.
“A significant segment of voters . He said Turkish voters “are being made to feel like they have no choice”.
Additional reporting by Ayla Jean Yakli in Istanbul










