Putin wants to show Russian elite he is a ‘strong monarch’

Vladimir Putin kissed regular Russians and took selfies with them this week, a shocking image for the germ-averse president, who often seats official guests at the other end of a long table and ministers weeks before meeting them. have been known to force themselves into quarantine.

But after his power was shaken by an armed rebellion by the Wagner paramilitary group, Putin is keen to show he enjoys public support, even at the risk of contracting the virus.

The Russian leader was filmed meeting a large group of supporters while visiting the southern city of Derbent on Wednesday night – Putin’s first public outing since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The Kremlin insisted that the president would remain “under special (epidemiological protection)” but that he “could not refuse these people” who had come to show their support, allegedly without prompting.

In the week following the Wagner Group uprising, the Kremlin has tried to display a sense of normalcy, and Putin has engaged in activities apparently unrelated to the coup attempt, such as visiting a start-up forum and tourism. hold a meeting about These led to a flurry of diplomacy with the allies and behind the scenes a key general was taken into custody.

Observers said Putin’s diaries reflect the need to repair his image with the Russian people and power brokers after the significant results of the uprising.

“A part of the Russian elite values ​​(Putin) as a strong monarch. A strong monarch should not allow these things to happen,” said Greg Yudin, professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences. “I don’t think it’s over. And he knows about it.”

While the rebellion appeared to be short-lived, Putin’s responses showed signs of weakness. On the morning of the uprising, Putin vowed to punish “traitors” for their “stabbing in the back”. By evening, he agreed to a truce with the head of the rebellion, Wagner militia leader Yevgeny Prigozhin, allowing everyone to turn around and go home.

Two days later, with Prigozhin’s whereabouts still unclear, the Kremlin hit back once again, saying the treason charges still stood, but on Tuesday walked back the apology offer after the warlord was confirmed to be in Belarus. Had to return

“The whole story shows the fragility of the Russian state and Putin’s leadership,” said Vladimir Gelman, a Russian political scientist at the University of Helsinki. The Kremlin’s publicizing of events such as the visit to Derbent was an attempt to “restore the previous status quo”, he said.

An important audience for Putin’s efforts to restore his position is Moscow’s elite, from the political class to the security services. Some members of this group may have aided in the rebellion, or at least may have been aware of it and failed to prevent it.

“As far as Putin is concerned, his main problem is that he allowed it, he didn’t stop it,” said Oleg Ignatov, senior Russia analyst at the think tank Crisis Group. To reassure the elite, he must “restore his image.” He has to show that he can prevent such crises in future.

In opinion polls, Putin’s position domestically has not waned, though given the Kremlin’s crackdown on dissent since launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine last year, people may be wary about pollsters. How do you answer?

His ratings fell slightly on Saturday, according to the independent Russian pollster Levada, and soon returned to the level they were before the aborted rebellion.

“We saw a slight increase in anxiety levels,” said Russian political scientist Ekaterina Shulman. “People did notice what happened, even though it was all over the air very quickly.”

But the images of Rostov, in which local residents cheered and welcomed Wagner’s fighters, who briefly occupied the city as part of the uprising, must have been viewed closely in the Kremlin.

State television praised Putin for his success in finding a peaceful solution and preventing a civil war. The house-to-house message was that the Russian people had shown “unity” in the face of the uprising – the Derbent march also sought to reinforce such an image.

Shulman said, “They need to show that Putin is united with the people, that he still enjoys the love of the public.” “It was supposed to override the images of Rostov.”

Putin’s rhetoric about the uprising quickly caught fire, said Denis Volkov, head of the Levada Center. In his speeches, Putin emphasized that Prigozhin had tried to create chaos and threatened the stability of the state.

Unlike Putin, the warlord, admired by some sections of the public for his straight talk, saw a sharp decline in his popularity: according to the Levada survey his favorability rating had halved immediately after the uprising.

Volkov said, “The Kremlin explained that, where you thought Prigozhin was a patriot, he was actually a traitor, and where you thought he was a fighter against corruption, he was actually a thief.”

In addition to efforts to restore Putin’s image at home, the Kremlin has made phone calls and sent envoys to drum up support among allies abroad.

This week, Putin has spoken by phone with the leaders of Arab countries, Iran and India, while his deputy foreign minister, Sergei Vershinin, traveled to Damascus to meet Bashar al-Assad, whose regime has long been overthrown, just two days after the riots. Dependent on the Russian army. Help.

Yudin said the failed coup had managed to “drive a rift” in a widespread attitude of resignation among Russians, who believe that “whatever (Putin) wants he always gets, and whatever he does he always does.” escape from it”.

But Putin’s meeting with the public was aimed at members of the elite, Volkov said, whose recent public statements may not have shown full loyalty and support for the president.

“He needed to send a message to the elite: ‘Maybe you want to think again before you speak. The people are behind me'”

Vladimir Putin kissed regular Russians and took selfies with them this week, a shocking image for the germ-averse president, who often seats official guests at the other end of a long table and ministers weeks before meeting them. have been known to force themselves into quarantine.

But after his power was shaken by an armed rebellion by the Wagner paramilitary group, Putin is keen to show he enjoys public support, even at the risk of contracting the virus.

The Russian leader was filmed meeting a large group of supporters while visiting the southern city of Derbent on Wednesday night – Putin’s first public outing since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The Kremlin insisted that the president would remain “under special (epidemiological protection)” but that he “could not refuse these people” who had come to show their support, allegedly without prompting.

In the week following the Wagner Group uprising, the Kremlin has tried to display a sense of normalcy, and Putin has engaged in activities apparently unrelated to the coup attempt, such as visiting a start-up forum and tourism. hold a meeting about These led to a flurry of diplomacy with the allies and behind the scenes a key general was taken into custody.

Observers said Putin’s diaries reflect the need to repair his image with the Russian people and power brokers after the significant results of the uprising.

“A part of the Russian elite values ​​(Putin) as a strong monarch. A strong monarch should not allow these things to happen,” said Greg Yudin, professor of political philosophy at the Moscow School of Social and Economic Sciences. “I don’t think it’s over. And he knows about it.”

While the rebellion appeared to be short-lived, Putin’s responses showed signs of weakness. On the morning of the uprising, Putin vowed to punish “traitors” for their “stabbing in the back”. By evening, he agreed to a truce with the head of the rebellion, Wagner militia leader Yevgeny Prigozhin, allowing everyone to turn around and go home.

Two days later, with Prigozhin’s whereabouts still unclear, the Kremlin hit back once again, saying the treason charges still stood, but on Tuesday walked back the apology offer after the warlord was confirmed to be in Belarus. Had to return

“The whole story shows the fragility of the Russian state and Putin’s leadership,” said Vladimir Gelman, a Russian political scientist at the University of Helsinki. The Kremlin’s publicizing of events such as the visit to Derbent was an attempt to “restore the previous status quo”, he said.

An important audience for Putin’s efforts to restore his position is Moscow’s elite, from the political class to the security services. Some members of this group may have aided in the rebellion, or at least may have been aware of it and failed to prevent it.

“As far as Putin is concerned, his main problem is that he allowed it, he didn’t stop it,” said Oleg Ignatov, senior Russia analyst at the think tank Crisis Group. To reassure the elite, he must “restore his image.” He has to show that he can prevent such crises in future.

In opinion polls, Putin’s position domestically has not waned, though given the Kremlin’s crackdown on dissent since launching a full-scale invasion of Ukraine last year, people may be wary about pollsters. How do you answer?

His ratings fell slightly on Saturday, according to the independent Russian pollster Levada, and soon returned to the level they were before the aborted rebellion.

“We saw a slight increase in anxiety levels,” said Russian political scientist Ekaterina Shulman. “People did notice what happened, even though it was all over the air very quickly.”

But the images of Rostov, in which local residents cheered and welcomed Wagner’s fighters, who briefly occupied the city as part of the uprising, must have been viewed closely in the Kremlin.

State television praised Putin for his success in finding a peaceful solution and preventing a civil war. The house-to-house message was that the Russian people had shown “unity” in the face of the uprising – the Derbent march also sought to reinforce such an image.

Shulman said, “They need to show that Putin is united with the people, that he still enjoys the love of the public.” “It was supposed to override the images of Rostov.”

Putin’s rhetoric about the uprising quickly caught fire, said Denis Volkov, head of the Levada Center. In his speeches, Putin emphasized that Prigozhin had tried to create chaos and threatened the stability of the state.

Unlike Putin, the warlord, admired by some sections of the public for his straight talk, saw a sharp decline in his popularity: according to the Levada survey his favorability rating had halved immediately after the uprising.

Volkov said, “The Kremlin explained that, where you thought Prigozhin was a patriot, he was actually a traitor, and where you thought he was a fighter against corruption, he was actually a thief.”

In addition to efforts to restore Putin’s image at home, the Kremlin has made phone calls and sent envoys to drum up support among allies abroad.

This week, Putin has spoken by phone with the leaders of Arab countries, Iran and India, while his deputy foreign minister, Sergei Vershinin, traveled to Damascus to meet Bashar al-Assad, whose regime has long been overthrown, just two days after the riots. Dependent on the Russian army. Help.

Yudin said the failed coup had managed to “drive a rift” in a widespread attitude of resignation among Russians, who believe that “whatever (Putin) wants he always gets, and whatever he does he always does.” escape from it”.

But Putin’s meeting with the public was aimed at members of the elite, Volkov said, whose recent public statements may not have shown full loyalty and support for the president.

“He needed to send a message to the elite: ‘Maybe you want to think again before you speak. The people are behind me'”